
09 October 2008 The
question of whether indictees accused of trying to influence witnesses should
be allowed to defend themselves at liberty continue to cause controversy.
By:
Erna Mackic
The
criteria used in Bosnia and Herzegovina to order war-crime indictees into
custody remain unclear and the subject of much controversy.
One
clause that has generated debate and been brought before the Constitutional
Court for consideration is a custody order based on the existence of a
possibility that indictees might influence witnesses should they remain at
large.
As
per a decision of the State Constitutional Court, placing an indictee in
custody violates his basic human rights, if an attempt to influence witnesses
has not been proved.
According to Vesna
Tupajic-Skiljevic, a lawyer, “There is no reason for ordering someone into
custody if there is no concrete danger [to witnesses]”.
Tupajic–Skiljevic was the first to raise this issue before the Constitutional Court in a
move designed to enable her client to defend himself at liberty. She succeeded,
though only for a short period.
On
the other hand, the State Prosecution considers that when a custody order
motion is filed in relation to influencing witnesses, this means the
Prosecution suspects the indictee has already attempted to do just that.
Putting
pressure on witnesses is a crime in Bosnia and Herzegovina and is listed in the
country’s Criminal Code.
This
states that influencing witnesses “by intimidating, forcing or promising
presents or other types of rewards” is liable to a sentence of between six
months and five years.
But
no one has yet been tried for this offence. And it often happens that witnesses
at war-crime trials say people contacted them and asked them to alter
statements or withdraw testimonies.
Victims
associations confirm these claims, and say they fear fewer witnesses will be
willing to appear before the courts if witnesses remain exposed to this sort of
pressure.
Threats via
Phone or in person:
Drago Zulj,
examined on February 27 at the trial of Bosniaks accused of committing war
crimes against Croats in Bugojno in 1993 and 1994, said he had been exposed to
this sort of pressure.
Zulj
said that prior to giving his testimony before the Court of Bosnia and
Herzegovina, “a former schoolmate” visited him and told him that the four
indictees were innocent of the charges.
“All this made me feel afraid
and uneasy,” Zulj said during his testimony in the courtroom.
Members
of associations of victims claim witnesses routinely receive such threats via
phone or in person.
“Till
now, most threats have been directed at witnesses due to testify against Ratko Bundalo, Nedjo
Zeljaja and Djordjislav Askraba,” Kemal
Pervan, head of the “Istina-Kalinovik 92”
association, said, referring to the trial of three Serbs accused of the murder,
rape, forcible disappearances and physical and mental abuse of Bosniaks in Kalinovik in 1992 and 1993.
“We
even heard complaints from protected witnesses, which made it clear that their
identity had been revealed to many people,” Pervan said. He said
his association had reported the threats to the State Prosecution, but did not
know whether action had been taken.
The
State Prosecution claims it has opened investigations in connection with
attempts to influence witnesses, but admits nobody has been tried for this
offence.
Besides
attempts to influence witnesses, persons may be ordered into custody under the
Criminal Code if there is a danger that the person might escape, or falsify
evidence.
The
possibility that a person might attempt to influence witnesses was one of the
most common reasons cited by the State Court when ordering war-crimes indictees
into custody.
It
was the reason for ordering Zeljaja into custody, for example. His defence
lawyer then filed a complaint with the Constitutional Court, claiming her
client’s rights were violated. All
three men in the Kalinovic case had been in custody since August last year.
In
May, the Constitutional Court agreed Zeljaja’s rights had been
violated, as it had not been “specifically proved” that he tried to influence
witnesses”.
Because the Constitutional Court’s decisions are
binding, the State Court acted upon them.
Zeljaja and Askraba
were released, as were Nisvet Gasal and Musajb Kukavica, two of the
suspects indicted over the crimes against Croats in Bugojno.
Tupajic-Skiljevic applauded the decision of the Constitutional
Court, saying it would be applied “in
all other cases because it is ‘beneficium cohesionis’ (suitable
for association)”.
“Askraba… has been released from custody, because it has been determined that
his rights were violated. I hope the Court will be governed by this decision in
other cases as well,” Skiljevic-Tupajic said in June, after
her client was relisted from custody.
In
accord with the Constitutional
Court’s decision, lawyer Senad Kreho then asked the Court to let Nisvet Gasal and Musajb Kukavica defend themselves at liberty.
Besides
Gasal and Kukavica, the State Prosecution had charged Senad Dautovic
and Enes Handzic with crimes against Croats in Bugojno.
Prosecutors
contested the move. “The Constitutional Court’s decision cannot be applied in
the case of Gasal, because there has been concrete influence on witnesses, such as Drago Zulj,” Prosecutor Slavica Terzic said, reacting to the
proposal.
Nevertheless,
the Trial Chamber of the Court of Bosnia and Herzegovina let Gasal and Kukavica go and defend themselves at liberty in July this year.
As a
result, the State Prosecution filed appeals with the Appellate Chamber of the
State Court over the custody release motions. The Prosecution said that
following the releases, “when they come to court, almost all witnesses [now]
refuse to confirm earlier statements they gave in the course of the
investigation”.
Prosecutor
Munib Halilovic told the Trial Chamber how the intimidation worked.
“Protected
witness A contacted us, saying people whom he had mentioned in his statement
intimidated him in the street. He was sure that every person in Kalinovik knew
his name.
“Another
witness, due to be examined soon, told us that an accomplice had contacted him
and asked him to alter his statement,” Halilovic said.
Pervan
has confirmed these claims, telling Justice Report
that even protected witnesses have approached the “Istina-Kalinovik 92” Association over cases of intimidation.
“A
witness said that one person had threatened him and told him:
‘The same thing will happen to you as to our indictees.’ Another witness received a phone call from someone offering him money to
change his statement. The complete conversation was taped.”
Having
rendered the custody termination, the Court of Bosnia and Herzegovina imposed
certain measures against indictees Zeljaja, Askraba, Gasal and Kukavica.
These
included a ban on leaving their place of residence, an obligation to report to
the police station and a ban on contacting witnesses and accomplices.
But
in its appeal, the State Prosecution drew attention to the absurdity of
obliging the men to report to the police station in Kalinovik, when the heads of the police station were their own accomplices, and
also under investigation by the Prosecution.
On
the other hand, replying to the appeal, the defence lawyer for Zeljaja said the fears of eventual influence on
witnesses “had not been supported by valid evidence”.
However,
a month and a half later, in August the Appellate Chamber of the State Court
ordered the four indictees back into custody.
“It
is not necessary to prove concrete influence on witnesses and accomplices, as
the mere fear that this might happen… means the Court cannot be sure that, once
at liberty, indictees will not contact witnesses or accomplices,” the Appellate
Chamber said.
Zeljaja and Askraba were ordered back into custody due to “concrete influence on witnesses Ahmo Musanovic and “H”.
In
May 2008, Musanovic informed the Court that Sreto Kovacevic
had contacted him and asked him to meet Sladoje Milivoje, who,
according to the Prosecution, was one of the participants in the crime for
which the two indictees were charged.
“As
this statement was available only to the Prosecution and Defence, we have
reason to ask how Milivoje obtained a copy, unless the Defence gave it to him,”
the Appellate Chamber said.
In
addition, the Chamber said it considered witnesses’ refusal to confirm their
earlier statements “alarming”.
Particular
mention was made of a statement given by a protected witness who did not want
to say who executed the captured Bosniaks, because he was intimidated by
threats received after the indictees had been released.
Like
Zeljaja and Askraba, Gasal
and Kukavica were ordered back into custody by the
Appellate Chamber.
Representatives
of victims often complain about being exposed to pressures and threats by
family members and friends of war crime indictees.
Bakira Hasecic, President
of the Association of Women, War Victims, goes so far as to say that “there has
not been one single process during which witnesses have not been intimidated”.
Hasecic
claims that, besides being intimidated, during the course of their testimonies
victims are exposed to “mistreatment by indictees and their lawyers”.
“We
are aware that the indictees have the right to defend themselves,” she said,
“but we also point out that it is not nice to insult the dignity of victims by
attempting to lower their morale and put pressure on them. By doing this, they
also intimidate witnesses who are due to testify at other trials,” Hasecic
said.
Justice Report is a
specialist reporting agency focusing on war crimes trials taking place before
local courts; development of the local legal system; and efforts to come to
terms with the past.
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